bigla sakit ng ulo ni Bato, di nya alam kung paano kumabig hahaha.
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napatigil sya ng bahagya eh HAHHAA
The Discaya Timeline — Aquino Beginnings, Duterte Scrutiny, Marcos Surge
In the recent Senate hearings, the kakampinks seized on Sarah Discaya’s statement that their family’s flood control projects began in 2016, weaponizing it to pin the entire controversy on former President Rodrigo Duterte.
But the complete record tells a very different story—one that begins under Aquino, faced scrutiny under Duterte, and exploded only under Marcos.
Sarah Discaya herself testified that their family entered DPWH bidding in 2012, still under President Benigno Aquino III. In 2014, they incorporated Alpha & Omega General Contractor & Development Corp. (May 2014) and St. Timothy Construction Corp. (July 2014), each with ₱3.93 million in capital, clearly gearing up for government contracts.
By August 12, 2015, DPWH had already suspended their flagship firm, St. Gerrard Construction, for submitting a spurious tax clearance, proof of their active involvement in DPWH projects long before Duterte.
Despite this, St. Gerrard still managed to win nine contracts worth ₱440.5 million between August 2015 and March 2016. Their suspension was lifted on March 4, 2016, just three months before Duterte assumed office.
From 2016 onwards, flood control projects indeed became central to the Discayas’ portfolio. In 2017, St. Gerrard won five road projects in Davao worth ₱816.98 million, with some tied to other contractors like CLTG Builders. By 2018, investigative reports by PCIJ revealed that St. Gerrard had become one of the country’s top contractors.
But the narrative of favoritism collapses when we look at the facts: On January 31, 2020, DPWH Secretary Mark Villar issued Department Order No. 20, blacklisting St. Gerrard for one year due to delays in a Cavite school project.
From 2019 to 2021, Discaya-linked firms had no DPWH awards in Davao Region. If they were truly untouchable, why would the Duterte government impose a blacklist that cost them millions?
After their blacklist expired, the Discayas saw a massive resurgence, not under Duterte, but under Bongbong Marcos.
Even Senator Vicente Tito Sotto confirmed that St. Gerrard Construction was suspended by the DPWH in 2015 and later blacklisted in 2020. Despite these sanctions, its PCAB license was renewed and remains valid from July 1, 2023 to January 28, 2026. Likewise, St. Timothy Construction’s PCAB license was renewed for 2025 to 2027.
From 2022 to 2025, their companies bagged ₱31.6 billion worth of flood control projects:
- Alpha & Omega General Contractor & Development Corp. – 106 projects, ₱7.73 billion
- St. Timothy Construction Corp. – 145 projects, ₱7.32 billion
- Other affiliated firms added billions more.
BBM himself flagged these firms in 2025 for alleged ghost projects.
So, by cherry-picking the “2016” start date, kakampinks mislead the public into believing the Discayas’ rise began with Duterte.
The facts are clear:
*2012 – First DPWH bidding (Aquino)
*2014 – Incorporations of Alpha & Omega and St. Timothy (Aquino)
*2015–2016 – Suspension, ₱440.5M contracts, reinstatement (Aquino)
*2016–2022 – Flood control projects begin, blacklist imposed (Duterte)
*2022–2025 – ₱31.6B flood control windfall (Marcos)
The Discayas’ DPWH engagement began under Aquino, not Duterte. Their flood control ventures started in 2016, yes—but under Duterte, they were also suspended and blacklisted. The real surge in wealth happened under Marcos Jr., with tens of billions in contracts.
The kakampinks’ selective narrative is nothing but spin. If accountability is truly the goal, then let’s stop peddling half-truths and confront the facts that this contractor empire did not begin with Duterte and it certainly didn’t peak with him either.
Bobo ba kayong dalawa? hahahaha
Based on her own statements during a Senate hearing, Cezarah Rowena Discaya has stated that her family’s firms began working with the Department of Public Works and Highways (DPWH) in 2012 by joining biddings. She specified that their involvement with flood control projects, in particular, began in 2016.
YUNG FLOOD CONTROL PROJECTS ANG PINAG UUSAPAN, YUNG FLOOD CONTROL NAGSIMULA NUNG 2016
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Magbasa ka kumpleto na dyan bobo hahahaha
Selective idiot kaba boss?
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di nila binasa yung pag blacklist ni digong noong 2020 at pag renew sa kanila ni bangag noong 2023
Baka may problema sa mata boss hahahaha or hindi marunong magbasa
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what duterte blacklists, bangag jr. allows, and what duterte allows, bangag jr. restricts
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2012: Discayas first participated in DPWH biddings (under Aquino administration).
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2014: Incorporations of Alpha & Omega and St. Timothy, both during Aquino’s term.
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2015–2016: St. Gerrard Construction faced suspension under Aquino for falsified documents, but still secured ₱440.5M in contracts; reinstated in 2016.
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2016–2022: Under Duterte, Discaya firms shifted focus to flood control and continued winning contracts, but also faced blacklisting for poor performance.
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2022–2025: The biggest surge occurred under Marcos Jr., when Discaya-linked companies secured over ₱31 billion in flood-control projects.
They were already blacklisted in 2015, but these are temporary suspensions and not permanent suspensions. But I wonder why the past administration still let them operate even though they received there 2nd suspension?
That is only a temporary suspension; the contractors sometimes appeal and resume operations after penalties are lifted or upon corporate restructuring..
hehe meron pa lang blacklist na temporary?
Blacklisting is an administrative penalty that disqualifies a contractor from participating in government projects for a specific period, usually 1 to 3 years, depending on the infraction.
Kaylangan na ito ma overhaul.
pucha kaya pala nakabalik, pero still my discretion pa din dito si bangag sa pag renew ng license, kahit may infraction na before he still approved the renewal, he is still not totally innocent here
The President is not directly responsible for approving or renewing individual contractor licenses. However, as head of the executive branch, the President shapes the policy environment, appoints officials, and can publicly advocate for stricter controls or reforms affecting licensing and sanctioning procedures.